Thursday 23 February 2017

Christians and The Bible in the Quran

This article looks to introduce the concept of Christians and the Bible in the Qur’an by analysing the historical and textual sources. The references included at the end of the article are a wealth of information and a requirement for anyone interested in inter-faith.

The Theology of Revelation
{So [you believers], say, ‘We believe in God and in what was sent down to us and what was sent down to Abraham, Ishmael, Isaac, Jacob, and the Tribes, and what was given to Moses, Jesus, and all the prophets by their Lord. We make no distinction between any of them, and we devote ourselves to Him} [2:136]
According to the Qur’an it is the final chapter in the historic narrative of the Divine Revelation to humanity. A revelation recorded on a symbolic {Preserved Tablet} [85:22] that is {the source of all Scripture (Umm al-kitāb)} [13:39] repeatedly revealed and taught to man through His Messengers and Prophets. Tradition suggests some ‘124,000 Prophets of which 315 were messengers’ (Ahmad) brought the same message of Divine Unity (tawHīd): {We never sent any messenger before you [Muhammad] without revealing to him: ‘There is no god but Me, so serve Me.’} [21:25] to different places and in different languages {We have never sent a messenger who did not use his own people’s language to make things clear for them} [14:4]. Each new chapter of revelation is the same in meaning, but different in form; the Prophet is reported to have said: “The prophets are half-brothers; their mothers differ, and their religion (dīn) is one” [Bukhari]. The Qur’anic vision has a distinctly pluralistic trend confirming other revelations and even, it might be said, other religions: “We have assigned a law and a path to each of you. If God had so willed, He would have made you one community, but He wanted to test you through that which He has given you, so race to do good” [5:48] (#4).

Historical analysis of Christians
Evidence of a Christian presence on the peripheries of 7th century Arabia is well established, but fragments of sources suggest a presence even in Arabia proper and the Hijaz.

North West – Syria: St. Paul said: “I went off to Arabia” (Gal 1:17), most likely the territories controlled by the Nabateans, which were incorporated into the Roman Empire as the Province of Arabia in 106CE. The Christian communities had grown so numerous that there were five representatives at the council of Nicea, 325CE. The churches in this Arab milieu had strong ties with the Syriac-speaking churches in Mesopotamia, especially Melkite Edessa. The Ghassānids became the principal group of Arab tribes allied to Byzantium on the Arabian frontier in the sixth century (#2). As for the Ghassānids’ territories, recent archaeological excavations have revealed extensive church and monastery buildings. Many of these installations include beautiful mosaics, some with Greek inscriptions, testifying to material and cultural wealth. (#7)

North East – Iraq and The Persian Gulf: The Lakhmid territories under Persian influence, in the lower Euphrates, were Syriac speakers allied to the Nestorian ‘Assyrian Church of the East’ (#2). The church had flourished in the area and archaeological investigations on the coast of southern Arabia especially along the Persian Gulf have uncovered a number of sites with extensive church remains typical of the Nestorians, particularly in the territory of modern Kuwait (#7).
South West – Ethiopia, Red Sea and Najrān: A strong Ethiopian or Abyssinian Monophsite Christian presence had been established to the West and South of Arabia, through military expedition and trade, for some time prior to revelation. The Abyssinian Negus had come to the aid of the Najrān (in the South) in 520CE, probably at the behest of the Byzantines, to liberate persecuted Christians from the Himyarite king (#2). A bustling community grew out of the shrine of the ‘Najrān Martyrs’, the Church of San’ā’ becoming a spiritual magnet rivalling even that of the Ka’bah. The viceroy to the Negus, Abraha, even tried to monopolise the pilgrims and invade Mekkah in 570CE – the year of the Prophet’s birth – in retaliation for some Mekkan vandalism. The Qur’an preserves the story of this ill-fated military expedition in the chapter ‘The Elephant’ (105). The Ethiopians became scattered throughout Arabia following Persian occupation at Abraha’s demise, one such community forming the Mekkan AHābish tribe (#1)
The movement of monks, traders and caravans from all these areas into central Arabia was unhindered as was the seasonal movement of the nomadic Arabs from the heart of the desert to the pastures on the periphery. These were the traditional routes of Christianity's spread eastward and southward from the beginning. By the time of Muhammad's birth, there is every reason to think that Christianity would have been well known, if not widely practiced, in the very heart of Arabia (#7).
Qur’anic Christians
Christians are referred to, not by the direct translation MasīHiyyūn, but either ahul-kitāb (people of the book) collectively with the Jews or NaSāra most likely from the Syriac version of ‘Nazarene (Acts 24.5) meaning ‘of Nazareth’. The term NaSāra appears in pre-Islamic poetry and Syriac Christians were known as the Nașrāyê and this spread into parts of the Eastern Roman Empire, such that this was how the Christians became exclusively known there (#3). There are numerous other instances in the Qurʾān in which the Arabic religious vocabulary used is of Greek origin through Syriac or Ethiopic (#1). Injīl (Gospel) for example, is of non-Arabic origin deriving from the Greek ‘evangelion’ (good news) most likely through Ethiopic ‘wangēl’. Other Ethiopic words can be found, familiar to the Christians, such as Hawāriyyūn (disciples). Isā (Jesus), likewise, is not an Arabised version of the Hebrew Yashū’, but rather Greek Iēsous, most likely from Syriac (#11).
Arabic translations of the Bible date from the 9th century, although a Monophysite scholar Johannes is said to have completed a translation by the mid-7th century; there are some suggestions incomplete translations existed before then. At that time, Christian teaching was orally from Syriac and Ethiopic translations of the Greek text, and it is in this linguistic heritage, the language in which Christianity first established itself in Arabia, that Christians are addressed. Furthermore, contemporary ecclesiastical language is from this same Greek tradition (#5, see chapter 1).
Arabia was long known as a breeding ground for heresies (Arabia haeresium ferax), which is perhaps implied by {those who say, ‘We are Christians,’ but they too forgot some of what they were told to remember, so We stirred up enmity and hatred among them} [5:14], but the target audience of the Qur’an appears primarily to be the Melkite, Nestorian and Monophysite congregations readily found in and around Arabia as mentioned above (#5, see chapter 1) and so therefore what we might think of as 'normative' Christianity today.  There is no evidence of Judeo-Christian Ebionites, that observed the Mosaic Law, surviving the 4th century, a sect some Muslims have claimed the Qur'an reserves praise for exclusively. The Injīl too, then might be seen to be what those Christian groups understood as the Gospel.
The Gospel (Injīl)
{Step by step, He has sent the Scripture down to you [Prophet] with the Truth, confirming what went before: He sent down the Torah (Tawrāh) and the Gospel (Injīl) earlier as a guide for people and He has sent down the distinction (fur’qān)} [3:3-4]
The Tawrāh usually refers to the five books of Moses and the Injīl – singular, never plural – to the Gospels, but whether they are identical to the modern Pentateuch and New Testament is debated. Due to the singular use, the Qur'an may in fact be referencing The Diatessaron (150-175CE); a single text that harmonised the Gospels, written in Syriac and normative amongst Syriac speaking Christians (#5 pg 155).  There is no Qur’anic suggestion the Injīl {sent down} [3:3] and {taught} [3:48] to Jesus was different to the Canonical Gospels {that is with them} [7:157], so one conclusion might be that the Gospels are the same {Gospel with guidance and light} [5:46] that Christians possess and are exhorted as the {followers of the Gospel} to {judge according to what God has sent down in it} [5:47]. It may be argued, however, that Jesus as {a messenger from God} would therefore be {reciting out pages [blessed with] purity} [98:2] and so the Injīl is in reference to a revealed book, that is mentioned in some apocryphal epistles or the theoretical “Q source” that now only partially remains in the extant Gospels.  The Injīl, however, may not be like the Qur’an; rather than direct revelation through Gabriel it is the Divinely inspired message of the good news brought by Jesus. Christian monks are praised for their monasticism that {was something they invented} rather than prescribed, simply they wished {only to seek God’s pleasure} [57:27] and so were sanctioned and guided to virtue. This indirect process of guidance would conform to how Christians themselves understand the notion of the Gospel; the truths and commands of the Injīl given to Jesus are communicated to Christians through {that which they had with them} and {what was before} [2:89] the Qur’an. The Injīl then, could be considered to include both the text and the tradition around the text that conveys Jesus’ original message (#4, see 3:3-4).
Irrespective of how the Injīl is understood, the New Testament must be understood as preserving at least ‘some’ Divine revelation and so forms part of the authoritative texts of Islam.
Fur’qān
{This is a true promise given by Him in the Torah, the Gospel, and the Quran. Who could be more faithful to his promise than God?} [9:111]. The Torah, Gospel and Qur’an are seen as a sacred succession; not outdated but still giving guidance and light to mankind. The Qur’an seen here as {confirming what they already have} [2:91]. The Qur’an alludes, comments and re-tells Biblical stories rather than quotes, suggesting an assumed familiarity with the Bible, such that the Qur’an can be said as using the Bible as a subtext (#6): {you [people] can ask those who have knowledge if you do not know} [16:43], many commentators, such as Qurtubī, Tabarī, Tabrisī and Zamakhsharī (#4) understood ‘those who know’ as Christians and Jews.

The Qur’an is often identified as the fur’qān or discernment by commentators; distinguishing between the correct and incorrect interpretations of previous scripture {He has sent down the distinction (fur’qān)} [3:4]. However, the fur’qān may also be understood more in the general sense of wisdom {We gave Moses the Scripture, and the means to distinguish (fur’qān)} [2:53] especially as an attribute of prophethood. {We sent to you [Muhammad] the Scripture with the truth, confirming the Scriptures that came before it, and with final authority over them: so judge between them according to what God has sent down. Do not follow their whims, which deviate from the truth that has come to you} [5:48].
The Qur’an then could be understood as a confirmer, clarifier and protector of earlier revelations, and not so much an abrogator. Early Qur'anic commentaries, such as Tabarī, were once replete with Biblical references, which is a tradition that should be revived in order to fully understand the Qur'an.

Tarīf
In the first centuries of Islam, TaHrīf (falsification) was not a central theme, though well-known. Muslim authors understood the falsification as either TaHrīf al-maʿnā, distortion of the meaning of the text, or TaHrīf al-naSS, falsification of the text itself. Many scholars, such as Ibn Khaldūn (d. 1406CE) rejected the latter: “since custom prevents people who have a (revealed) religion from dealing with their divine Scripture in such a manner”. Since Ibn Hazm’s writings (d. 1012CE), in a period of turbulent Christian-Muslim relations, it has become commonplace for Muslims to view the Christian scriptures as textually corrupted (#8), which as M. Watt laments: ‘the net result of all his [ibn Hazm’s] study and writing was not a better understanding of Christianity, but a strengthening of the very inadequate perception of Christianity,’ (#12, pg 91). Despite Ibn Hazm's polemical intent, he is generally credited with initiating the academic field of Biblical criticism.

The polemical TaHrīf al-naSS is highly unsatisfactory since there are all sorts of unanswered questions, such as: which parts of the text are corrupted? When did this take place? Why did the Qur’an give no details? Why is there no historical evidence the Bible has been altered? And logically such a claim is impractical: “it was not practicable thus to corrupt the text, because those Scriptures were generally known and widely circulated” (Al Razi d. 925CE). Such a claim makes the verses mentioned above nonsensical, especially the implication of scripture being protected 5:48 or incorruptible: {No one can change His words} [6:115]. Wahb bin Munabbih (d. c.730CE) argued, "The Tawrāh and the Injīl remain as God revealed them, and no letter in them was removed. However, the people misguide others by addition and false interpretation, relying on books that they wrote themselves." The Qur’an’s criticism of Christians are extra-textural theological interpretations, such that TaHrīf al-maʿnā is the only plausible understanding. Those from among the people of the book have reportedly: twisted words [3:78] and [2:75], hidden scripture [5:15], distorted meanings [4:46] and forgotten parts [5:13], substituted words [2:59], and took holy men as lords [9:31], which is understood as priests making lawful what God has made unlawful and vice-versa (Jalalayn). None of these verses can easily be understood as textual corruption. However, it is likely there is some criticism of the compilation of the canonical texts, since something has been lost [5:14] and the authors may have included commentary that is incongruous to the original message (see below).

{Jesus, son of Mary, said, ‘Children of Israel, I am sent to you by God, confirming the Torah that came before me and bringing good news of a messenger to follow me whose name will be Ahmad.’} [61:6] from 740CE have linked this verse to John 14:16 {and he shall give you another Comforter (paraclete)}. It has been suggested that AHmad (lit. praised) is the translation of periklutos “celebrated”, which was corrupted to paraklētos “comforter”. But the argument comes from the Aramaic menaHHemānā, which based on the assonance was linked to Muhammad; although plausible from a Semitic language it is impossible in Greek (#13). In fact, AHmad was not understood as a proper name, an abbreviation of Muhammad, until linked to the paraclete, but originally as an adjective; ‘ismuhu aHmadu’ meaning ‘his name is praised’.

Historical research has shown that the New Testament was recorded word-for-word as standard by the time of the Byzantines. However earlier than this, the various anonymous scribes that labourisly made copies, sometimes interpreted the text as they copied it; tidying some more ambiguous verses to make them more explicitly theologically sound as a response to Christological controversies at the time (#16). One such example might be {Thus he declared all foods clean} [Mark 7:19], which appears to be a summary statement by a commentator that misunderstood Jesus' figurative {Because it [food] enters not into his heart} indicating that the true cause of uncleanliness was not external but internal sinfulness (#17). The commentary is in direct contradiction to Jesus' emphatic statement {It is easier for heaven and earth to pass, away than for one stroke of a letter in the law to be dropped} [Luke 16:17] (also see Matt. 5:17-18 and Paul's apparent observance of dietary law Acts 10:14). How much of this 'tidying' remains in the extant texts or whether it simply influenced the formation of what became orthodoxy is less clear, but the meaning of the original message is still discernible from The New Testament

Qur’anic Criticisms
Whilst the Qur’an is respectful of the ahul-kitāb (people of the book) it does not go as far as calling them believers (it does not deny this either) and employs a ‘corrective polemic’ toward certain beliefs, such as the use of ‘Isa bin Maryam’ (Jesus son of Mary) to correct ‘the Son of God’ and stress Jesus’ humanness (#5). Verses that are positive to Christians use NaSāra - which itself could be viewed as corrective redirection away from Christ as Divine given the Qur’an’s Christology - whereas ahul-kitab is used when critical.
Commentators link {God is the third of three} [5:73] and {‘Jesus, son of Mary, did you say to people, “Take me and my mother as two gods alongside God”?’} [5:116] to imply Mary is believed to be part of the Trinity; God, Mary and Jesus. Non-Muslims criticise the Qur’an as mistaken, and some Muslims, likewise, are mistaken of Christian beliefs. Some have claimed the Qur’anic view of the Trinity is in reference to the heretical Collyridians who, flourished in 5th century Arabia, known to have worshipped Mary as a goddess (#15), but this is pure speculation. It is most likely, given the Qur’an’s direct address to the contemporary Christians, that ‘third of three’ is in reference to Jesus’ Syriac epithet: tlîthāyâ ‘one of three’ (#5). It can be clearly shown that 5:116 is simply exonerating Jesus and Mary from any wrong doing rather than in any reference to the Trinity even without acknowledging the epithet, but it is likely that this verse refers to an intra-Christian debate.  Monophysite used the title theotokos ‘Mother of God’ for Mary since it affirmed the divinity of Jesus consubstantial Son of God the Father, but this was rejected by the Nestorians for much the same reason as the Qur’an; theotokos is an exaggeration of Jesus’s human mother. The Qur’an is resolving a church-dividing controversy that was significant at the time.
It is beyond the scope of this post to discuss each criticism (see future posts), but they are an important area of dialogue for Christians-Muslim relations, sometimes they are denied, seen as antagonistic or are met with apologetics rather than an area for further reflection.
Conclusion
The article has shown that the normative Christians are addressed in the Qur’an, rather than an extinct Judeo-Christian or heretical sect, both the positive and the negative verses. The New Testament may not contain the entire revelation of Jesus or perhaps only the Gospels are recognised, but whatever was recorded of the message remains so: alluded to, confirmed, augmented and preserved by the Qur’an. Not all Christian beliefs and practices are accepted in the Qur’an, not so much because they’re un-Islamic, rather they’re claimed as un-Christian: {Say, ‘People of the Book, you have no true basis [for your religion] unless you uphold the Torah, the Gospel, and that which has been sent down to you from your Lord,’} [5:68]. Both Jews, Christians and Muslims are redirected to the Bible as a shared source of truth and guidance.
Islam has an undeniably pluralistic layer, but is often believed by Muslims to be superior and abrogate other religions. {If anyone seeks a religion other than ‘islām’, it will not be accepted from him} [3:85] and {Today I have perfected your religion for you, completed My blessing upon you, and chosen as your religion ‘islām’} [5:3] are understood to refer specifically to Islam as the formal religion. However, the Qur’anic use of ‘al-islām’ can be argued to generally mean ‘total devotion’ (#14). In this sense ‘al-islām’ is not a religion vying to establish a cultural and ritualistic hegemony, but rather the religion of man that transcends form for the total devotion to God: {Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind} [Matt. 22:37].
References
#1 The Encounters of Eastern Christians with Early Islam, 2006, D. Thomas (edit.) et al, Brill. Note: particularly chapter 1 ‘Islam and Oriens Christianus’ by Irfan Shahīd.

#2 Arabia and the Arabs, 2001, R.G. Hoyland, Routledge. Note: particularly the section ‘The Byzantine/Sasanian period (c. AD 240 – 630)’ in chapter 2 South Arabia.

#3 Jesus in the Qur’an, 2013, G. Parrinder, One World Publications. Note: especially chapters 15 and 16.

#4 The Study Qur’an, 2015, S.H. Nasr (edit.), Harper One.

#5 The Bible in Arabic, 2013, S. Griffiths, Princeton University Press.

#6 The Qur’an and its Biblical subtext, 2012, G.S. Reynolds, Routledge.

#7 Brill online reference works – Encyclopaedia of the Qur’ān: Christians and Christianity

#8 Brill online reference works – Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second edition: Tarīf

#9 Islamic Interpretations of Christianity, 2001, L Ridgeon, Routledge. Note: especially chapter 1 ‘Christianity in the Qur’an’

#10 Early Muslim-Christian Dialogue, 2005, M.A. Sirry, Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, 16:4, 361-376

#11 Brill online reference works – Encyclopaedia of the Qur’ān: Jesus

#12 Muslim-Christian Encounters: Perceptions and Misperceptions, 1991, W.M. Watt, Routledge.

#13 Brill online reference works – Encyclopaedia of the Qur’ān: Ahmed

#14 Arabic-English Dictionary Qur’anic Usage, 2008, E.M Badawi and M.A. Haleem, Brill

#15 Heresy, 2009, A. McGrath, Harper-Collins 

#16 The Orthodox Corruption of Scripture, 2011, B.D. Ehrman, Oxford University Press

#17 Christians Beginnings: from Nazareth to Nicea, AD30 - 325, G.Vermes, 2013, Penguin

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